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ST ANDREWS, Scotland (Reuters) - Twenty activists donned suits and ties and buried their heads in the sand on a Scottish beach on Saturday to protest against a meeting of finance ministers from the Group of 20 powerful nations.The protest on West Sands, where beach scenes in the 1980s Oscar-winning movie "Chariots of Fire" were filmed, began a peaceful march that attracted more than 200 people.Demonstrators will be holding a rival People's G20 in St Andrews, a few miles from the hotel where finance ministers and central bankers of the world's most powerful developed and emerging nations are meeting to discuss the global economy.
     Violence spilled over from Tibet into neighbouring provinces today as Tibetan protesters defied a Chinese government crackdown while the Dalai Lama warned that the area faced "cultural genocide" and appealed to the world for help. Supporters of the Dalai Lama said 80 people were killed during the protests in the Tibetan capital, Lhasa, with at least 72 others injured. It was the latest negative publicity for China ahead of the Beijing Olympics in August.
Otpor was formed on October 10, 1998 in response to repressive university and media laws introduced earlier that year. In the beginning, Otpor's activities were limited to University of Belgrade.In the aftermath of the NATO airstrikes against FR Yugoslavia in 1999 regarding the Kosovo War, Otpor began a political campaign against the Yugoslav president Slobodan Milošević. This resulted in nationwide police repression against Otpor activists, during which nearly 2000 were arrested, some beaten. During the presidential campaign of September 2000, Otpor launched its "Gotov je" (He's finished) campaign which would galvanize national discontent with Milošević and eventually result in his defeat. Some students who led Otpor used Serbian translations of Gene Sharp's writings on nonviolent action as a theoretical basis for their campaign.Otpor became one of the defining symbols of anti-Milošević struggle and his subsequent overthrow. By aiming their activities at the pool of youth abstinents and other disillusioned voters, Otpor contributed to one of the biggest turnouts ever for the September 24, 2000 federal presidential elections.Having succeeded in persuading a large number of the traditional electorate to abandon Milošević was another one of the areas where the smear-proof Otpor played a key role. Milošević had in the past succeeded in persuading the public that his opponents were spies and traitors, but on this occasion, it backfired, as the beatings and imprisonments during the summer of 2000 further cemented the decision to vote against the regime in many voters' minds
Tibetan protesters today scaled the walls of the UN compound in the Nepalese capital.Police detained 60 other exiles who were protesting outside the building in Kathmandu, dragging some into waiting vehicles.Around 18 Tibetans climbed into the compound to demand UN intervention following the Chinese crackdown on demonstrations in Tibet.Protests have taken place almost every day in Nepal since the unrest began earlier this month.Meanwhile, EU foreign ministers will begin debating a European response to the crackdown during two days of talks.The negotiations come amid calls from some politicians for a boycott of the opening ceremony of the Beijing Olympics.The demonstrations in Tibet have been the most sustained challenge to China's rule there since 1989. Beijing has sent troops into Tibetan regions to enforce calm following clashes that the government claims have killed 19 people, but Tibetan authorities in exile say have resulted in 140 deaths.Today, the Chinese ambassador to Britain told a BBC interviewer that she wanted to keep politics separate from the Olympics.Fu Ying said the games should be treated as a separate issue."I'm very worried because for days, for weeks, we have heard about the Beijing Olympics as if it's a UN conference for solving all domestic problems," she added. "For the Chinese, it's about sports."She claimed foreign journalists were being restricted in China to protect them from recent violence and said the Chinese government would speak to the Dalai Lama so long as he was not demanding Tibetan independence.The Olympic torch would go through Tibet despite recent unrest, she added.Matt Whitticase, of the Free Tibet Campaign, said China was taking the torch through the Himalayan region to "underscore baseless claims to sovereignty".He claimed Beijing was using the Olympics as "a platform for self-aggrandisement on the world stage".The vice governor of Tibet, Baima Chilin, today told reporters that monks who disrupted a state-organised media trip to Lhasa yesterday would not be punished.More than 30 monks at the Jokhang temple - the most sacred in Tibetan Buddhism - burst in on a briefing during the first foreign journalists' tour since riots erupted in the Tibetan capital on March 14.Interrupting a speech about inter-ethnic harmony by the head of the temple's administrative office, the lamas surrounded the journalists and said: "They are tricking you. Don't believe them. They are lying to you."The incident lasted around 15 minutes, after which unarmed police took the Tibetans to another area of the temple.China's state-run Xinhua news agency noted that the media tour had been briefly disrupted by monks."What they said is not true," Chilin said. "They were attempting to mislead the world's opinion."However, Tibetan activists said they remained concerned about retaliation by the Chinese authorities."There are serious fears for the welfare and whereabouts of the monks," the International Campaign for Tibet said.Bowing to political pressure, the Chinese foreign ministry has allowed a group of foreign diplomats to visit Lhasa today and tomorrow.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/mar/28/tibet.china1
In October 2008, the Maldives held its first multi-party elections, toppling 30-year incumbent Maumoon Abdul Gayoom and replacing him with Mohamed Nasheed, a former political prisoner and according to Dhivehi Rayyithunge Party (DRP) opposition members, rabble-rouser extraordinaire. Indeed, this is how members of the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) and others connected to the party were and still are viewed: as a mob of uneducated activists who took to the streets in undignified protest. But what few people know is that behind the clamour of MDP as well as those who joined their fight was a well-designed plan. And behind the plan, there was Canvas – an organisation of trainers and consultants that travel the globe to transfer their skills, knowledge and principles of non-violent struggle. The ideas exported by Canvas were born out of Otpor, a youth movement in Serbia, which has been credited with the bloodless revolution that brought down Slobodan Milosovic. “Maldives was fourth in line of our successes,” says Srdja Popovic, the executive director of Canvas. “Others include the Orange Revolution in Ukraine and the Rose Revolution in Georgia.” In the latter, students offered soldiers roses when the army was deployed by Eduard Shevardnadze, who had ruled Georgia for more than 30 years.Learning the basicsIn 2006, Canvas travelled to the subcontinent to hold three training sessions on non-violent resistance: one in Male’, one in Addu and one in Colombo. The aim was to arm MDP activists as well as members of civil society with a set of tools that could be used to overthrow government using non-violent methods. Around 20 people attended each of these sessions, some of whom, says Popovic, are now in government. The three main principles espoused by the theory of non-violent struggle are unity, planning and discipline. “What we normally do in our workshops,” says Popovic, “is to equip people to help them achieve their vision of tomorrow.” But, he is quick to add that this vision is “home-grown” and not exported.At the heart of Canvas’ schooling is the dissection of power and obedience. Power structures must be weakened and obedience converted into disobedience. The theory of non-violent struggle, says Popovic, “is that no ruler can do without the consent of the people and if people don’t obey, then the ruler can’t rule.”PillarsImran Zahir, an MDP activist who was jailed seven times under the former president’s regime, said that before receiving Canvas training, activists were just “doing this and that...but we didn’t know what to do.”One of the training exercises involved the identification of the pillars which support a regime. Generally, these include police and military, bureaucracy, the education system, organised religion, media and business institutions. The goal of non-violent struggle is to extract as many of the pillars from the regime by eroding their loyalty or by persuading them to deny their skills, knowledge, materials or resources to those in power. “If you undermine these pillars,” says Popovic, “the building will collapse.”The key to destabilising these pillars, adds Imran, is to “pull” rather than “push” people. Although it may seem self-evident, pushing consolidates a person’s allegiance to a regime. This, he says, is one of the main lessons activists learnt. Further, once the power structures within the Maldives had been analysed, "it took weeks" to bring the system down.PlanningCrafting a strategic plan is another key element of non-violent struggle. According to Shahinda Ismail from NGO Maldivian Detainee Network, “the importance of planning” was a central part of the instruction. “Until we participated in these trainings,” she says, “we didn’t know how important planning was...To the point of having back-up plans. Before, most of what we did was quite ad hoc.”Unity, the second mainstay of non-violent struggle, was, says Shahinda, “the whole success” and formed the basis of the United For Change campaign. Following the first round of the presidential elections, when no single candidate obtained more than 50 per cent of the vote, those opposed to Gayoom saw uniting behind Nasheed as their only hope of change.When Shahinda was asked to join the campaign, her first course of action, she says, was to consult the Canvas manual, Non-violent struggle: 50 crucial points. “Everything I did for the group, I got from the book.” During this time, Canvas held Skype workshops with opposition party members as they tried to mobilise the masses for a rally to display a united front for change.MobilisationDrumming up support is another fundamental component of non-violent struggle, which “relies heavily on numbers,” says Popovic. The strategy is to draw people to the movement with incentives personal to them. A movement’s “vision of tomorrow” must involve listening to all groups as “people are the stakeholders of change”. Activists must listen to all members of society in order to ascertain where public dissatisfaction lies. “When developing a vision of tomorrow,” says Popovic, “you need to realise that people will take risks for what is personally most important to them. Only when individuals see how the struggle will benefit them, will they join, he adds. “If you leave people out, you leave voters out.” Before being schooled in the principles of non-violent struggle, Imran concedes, the movement had one sole aim: to depose Gayoom. “We didn’t know we had to get the votes. But then we realised that even if we did bring Gayoom down, it would be very hard to find legitimacy. We realised we needed to see beyond that.” Dilemma ActionsA dilemma action is a situation in which any response from the opponent will result in a negative outcome. Nonviolent strategists think of how to create a “lose-lose” framework for the opponent and “win-win” framework for the movement. Over the last few years, this was put into practice on several occasions. In October 2008, protesters displayed a leaflet-filled coffin as a symbol of custodial deaths. This, says, Popovic, is a perfect example of a dilemma action. If police try to stop people from taking leaflets, they will appear as the aggressors but by failing to take action, the protesters’ message is allowed to reach the public.In another instance, shortly after Canvas arrived in the Maldives for the first time, a non-violent democracy group, Gaumataka, marked the death of Evan Naseem, who died at the hands of prison guards, by delivering flowers to police and government officials. At the time, the group said the flowers were “a symbol to urge the police to stop all brutality and to join hands with people to bring about a just and democratic Maldives.” Although it is unclear to what extent the principles of non-violent struggle have assisted members of the MDP and civil society to create a just and democratic Maldives, “If we contributed anything to your victory, then I am very proud,” says Popovic.
http://www.minivannews.com/news_detail.php?id=6149
  http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2008%5C12%5C19%5Cstory_19-12-2008_pg7_46
Czech: sametová revoluce, Slovak: nežná revolúcia) (November 16 – December 29, 1989) refers to a non-violent revolution in Czechoslovakia that saw the overthrow of the Communist government.[1] It is seen as one of the most important of the Revolutions of 1989.On November 17, 1989 (Friday), riot police suppressed a peaceful student demonstration in Prague. That event sparked a series of popular demonstrations from November 19 to late December. By November 20 the number of peaceful protesters assembled in Prague had swelled from 200,000 the previous day to an estimated half-million. A two-hour general strike, involving all citizens of Czechoslovakia, was held on November 27.With the collapse of other Communist governments, and increasing street protests, the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia announced on November 28 that it would relinquish power and dismantle the single-party state. Barbed wire and other obstructions were removed from the border with West Germany and Austria in early December. On December 10, President Gustáv Husák appointed the first largely non-Communist government in Czechoslovakia since 1948, and resigned. Alexander Dubček was elected speaker of the federal parliament on December 28 and Václav Havel the President of Czechoslovakia on December 29, 1989.In June 1990 Czechoslovakia held its first democratic elections since 1946. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Velvet_Revolution
Tens of thousands of demonstrators crowded downtown streets today calling for the resignation of Serbia's President as the first effects of United Nations sanctions were being felt. The President, Slobodan Milosevic, criticized the sanctions imposed on Saturday, saying Serbia was not responsible for the fighting in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which continued today. "This is the price we have to pay for supporting Serbs outside Serbia," Mr. Milosevic said early this morning after he cast his vote in elections for the Yugoslav Parliament. "As far as the accusations that we have committed aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina are concerned, surely every citizen of Serbia knows that they are ridiculous. We have not committed any aggression against Bosnia." Election Boycotted Mr. Milosevic appeared tired as he voted today. All major opposition parties were boycotting the elections in Serbia and Montenegro, the only remaining Yugoslav republics, and the Serbian Orthodox Church denounced the vote. Polls opened just hours after the United Nations Security Council imposed the economic sanctions. [ Bush Administration officials Sunday expressed deep reluctance to use military force to enforce the sanctions, saying Washington's immediate goal was to force the Serbian-backed military to lift its two-month blockade of Sarajevo. Administration officials said they wanted to assess the effects of the embargo before taking any further steps to punish Yugoslavia. Page A8 ] The first outward signs of the embargo were lines forming at gasoline stations in the Belgrade area and the disruption of air links. Flights Are Canceled This morning, hundreds of stranded travelers milled around Belgrade Airport watching the word "Canceled" click up next to one departing flight after another on the large black timetable. Within hours, only flights for Paris, Copenhagen, Moscow and London were left and it was unclear whether they would actually depart. Yugoslavia also has been disqualified from the European soccer championship in Sweden as a result of the United Nations embargo. The peaceful demonstrators, many dressed in black, took over downtown Belgrade streets for about three hours this afternoon, unfurling a mile-long black banner along the city's main shopping thoroughfare before protesting outside the television station, the hub of the Serbian Government's propaganda network. Demonstrators jeered and shouted "Slobo Must Go!" outside the republic's Presidency Building, referring to President Milosevic. The demonstration was the largest anti-Government gathering in Serbia since violent protests in March 1991 brought Yugoslav Army tanks to Belgrade streets. Bombing of Belgrade "I am against the war and the regime that has sucked our sons into war," said a Yugoslav Airline flight attendant, laid off last week after 30 years on the job because of the cancellation of the airlines' landing rights by the United States and Canada. "I want to show the world that all Serbs are not the same," she said. "We all expect to be bombed, and we remember when the Americans bombed Belgrade in 1944." Slobodanka Karic, a 50-year-old health worker, said, "It's only a matter of time before the armed conflict comes to Belgrade. The international community should stop all the armed attacks by all sides, and then the Communists must be removed." The demonstrators scoffed at today's elections, calling them a "farce." Reports on Turnout Election officials reported only a 38 percent turnout at Serbian polling stations at 2 P.M., and by evening were asserting that 60 percent of the electorate had voted. In Montenegro, turnout reports ranged from 6 to 60 percent. About 7.3 million people are eligible to vote. Final results are not expected until Wednesday. Western diplomats said a weak turnout would not necessarily be interpreted as a vote of no confidence in Mr. Milosevic, who rose to power through the Communist Party's apparatus and has deflected criticism and held power by appealing to Serbian nationalism and controlling the republic's large enterprises and most influential media. Serbia's main opposition parties, the Serbian Renewal Movement, Democratic Party and Serbian Liberal Party called for the boycott because they said the Government pushed through the country's new Constitution without adequate discussion, allowed only a short period for campaigning and refused to end its virtual monopoly on the country's main television channel. 'Duty to Liberate Serbia' The leader of the Serbian Renewal Movement, Vuk Draskovic, said: "The Serbs' enemies are not in London, New York, Paris or Moscow. They are right here in Belgrade. It's our duty to liberate Serbia." "The Serbian people are not guilty," Mr. Draskovic said. "Sanctions are needed against the regime, not the people." The Serbian Orthodox Church denounced the Serbian and Yugoslav Governments last week, disassociated itself from the new Constitution and the elections and called for the formation of a government of national salvation. Only the renamed Communist Party of Serbia and Montenegro, two ultra-nationalist parties, and several dozen tiny political groups ran candidates. Successor to Old Yugoslavia The elections were scheduled after the new Yugoslavia was formed on April 27 in an attempt to claim the status of the successor to the Yugoslav Federation as well as its assets. Government leaders say the elections are important because they will allow the Yugoslav Government to begin functioning normally again after huge gaps were torn in the Legislature and administration by the secession of Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia. Officials of the United Nations peacekeeping forces in Sarajevo today won agreements from Serbian leaders in Bosnia and Herzegovina's government for a new cease-fire scheduled to begin on Monday at 6 P.M. local time, an official in Sarajevo said. The cease-fire agreement provides for the evacuation of a besieged Yugoslav Army barracks in the city center. Bosnian Serb forces this morning continued their bombardments of Sarajevo, while Yugoslav Army and Bosnian Serb forces also shelled the historic port city of Dubrovnik, lobbing about 17 shells into the walled Old Town. More than 2,300 people have been killed and 7,700 wounded since the Serbs began their military campaign to seize most of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The fighting has driven well over 700,000 people from their homes.
How was the Raj transformed from the jewel in Britain's imperial crown to the independent nations of India and Pakistan?1858: Beginning of the RajIn 1858, British Crown rule was established in India, ending a century of control by the East India Company. The life and death struggle that preceded this formalisation of British control lasted nearly two years, cost £36 million, and is variously referred to as the 'Great Rebellion', the 'Indian Mutiny' or the 'First War of Indian Independence'. Inevitably, the consequences of this bloody rupture marked the nature of political, social and economic rule that the British established in its wake. It is important to note that the Raj (in Hindi meaning 'to rule' or 'kingdom') never encompassed the entire land mass of the sub-continent. Two-fifths of the sub-continent continued to be independently governed by over 560 large and small principalities, some of whose rulers had fought the British during the 'Great Rebellion', but with whom the Raj now entered into treaties of mutual cooperation. 'The 'Great Rebellion' helped create a racial chasm between ordinary Indians and Britons.'Indeed the conservative elites of princely India and big landholders were to prove increasingly useful allies, who would lend critical monetary and military support during the two World Wars. Hyderabad for example was the size of England and Wales combined, and its ruler, the Nizam, was the richest man in the world. They would also serve as political bulwarks in the nationalist storms that gathered momentum from the late 19th century and broke with insistent ferocity over the first half of the 20th century. But the 'Great Rebellion' did more to create a racial chasm between ordinary Indians and Britons. This was a social segregation which would endure until the end of the Raj, graphically captured in EM Forster's 'A Passage to India'.While the British criticised the divisions of the Hindu caste system, they themselves lived a life ruled by precedence and class, deeply divided within itself. Rudyard Kipling reflected this position in his novels. His books also exposed the gulf between the 'white' community and the 'Anglo-Indians', whose mixed race caused them to be considered racially 'impure'. Please see: (http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/modern/independence1947_01.shtml) for the next seven pages.
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