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Groups representing impoverished Cape Town communities have lashed out at President Jacob Zuma's warning that the government will not tolerate violent service delivery protests, and the accompanying destruction of property.Representatives of the Joe Slovo task team, the Landless People's Movement and Abahlali baseMjondolo defended these protests, saying they were the only way to get the government to pay attention."So-called democratic grievance routes," failed to get answers, they said.Zuma's comments came yesterday during his address to most of South Africa's 283 mayors and all its premiers. He told them there was "no cause in a democratic and free society, however legitimate, that justifies the wanton destruction of property and violence" that had been witnessed in the country.

Born and raised in Britain, Ben Freeth has become one of a handful of farmers in Zimbabwe to resist, often against violent intimidation, the seizure of his land. Now his fight is the subject of a film.How far would you go to keep your home? Most of us would consider legal action. But would you be willing to take on a dictator in court and risk the lives of your family? Ben Freeth has made that decision. The Briton along with his Zimbabwean family has for the past few years been in a tug of war for land with President Robert Mugabe, the country's strong and ruthless leader.

People living in a slum district of the Algerian capital have taken to the streets for a second day to protest against job and housing shortages.Residents of the Diar Echams area, frustrated over high unemployment and inadequate housing, clashed with police on Wednesday having started their protest on Monday night.The police said at least 11 officers were hurt, although no figure of civilian casualties was given.Protesters had used high ground above the suburb to throw bricks, stones and petrol bombs at police in riot gear as they attempted to enter the area late on Tuesday, sources aid.

Argentine farmers marked on Friday the end of an eight-day sales boycott with rallies and marches promising to “keep fighting” in support of aid for peers suffering from the worst drought in decades and to eliminate the current export tariffs system which distorts production and threatens several crops.Farmers were particularly aggressive towards the government of President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner attitude and members of Congress, described as “cowards and inept” which act with “total submission”.

Thousands of landless farmers and tribal people in India are setting out on a massive protest march to the capital, Delhi. The march begins on a national holiday marking the birthday of Mahatma Gandhi, the man who introduced the idea of non-violent protest to the nation. It is intended to raise awareness about land rights and due to last for nearly four weeks. The organisers hope 25,000 people will take part in the march. Thousands of people began gathering in the city of Gwalior in Madhya Pradesh, chanting and singing. Most of them are low caste and landless labourers or tribal people demanding legal rights over their land. They are calling for a national authority to oversee land reform and a system of fast track courts to deal with the long delays in resolving land disputes. Land reform is a huge issue in rural India. The system is often corrupt and unjust. So over the next few weeks these protestors will walk more than 300km (180 miles) to Delhi, where their leaders hope to meet, among others, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. It is a huge logistical exercise. Those taking part are being broken down into groups of one thousand, to make sure everyone gets fed. The march has been dubbed Janadesh - People's Verdict - and it is described as non-violent civil disobedience.   

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/7023369.stm

LAHORE: About 1,500 lawyers, civil society activists and political workers took to The Mall to rally for the reinstatement of the sacked judges on Thursday.The National Coordination Council gave the protest call. Followed by the general house meetings, the Lahore Bar Association (LBA) and Lahore High Court Bar Association (LHCBA) took out their rallies from Aiwan-e-Adl and the Lahore High Court respectively. The two rallies joined at GPO Chowk and marched towards the Punjab Assembly Hall. Solidarity: Workers of the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), the Tehreek-e-Khaksar (TK), the Labour Party Pakistan, the Tehreek-e-Insaf (TI), the Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), the Pakhtoonkhwa Milli Awami Party (PkMAP) and the Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan (JUP) also took to The Mall to show solidarity with the protesting lawyers. They joined the rally at GPO Chowk holding flags in support of their party leaders.On their way to Charing Cross the protesters shouted slogans against the government and the chief justice of Pakistan for “using illegal means to get his daughter more numbers in FSc”. Lawyers who were contesting upcoming elections of the LHCBA and LBA were showing more aggression against the government apparently to win over other lawyers. Pledge: The protesters demanded that the government reinstate the sacked judges as soon as possible. At the Chairing Cross, senior lawyers spoke to the protesters and pledged to continue their movement until the reinstatement of sacked chief justice of Pakistan Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry and other sacked judges. Advocate Hamid Khan said that lawyers, civil society and political parties were united on the reinstatement of the sacked judges. He said allegations against Justice Dogar had put a new spirit in the lawyers’ movement. He said they wanted Justice Dogar to be tried. He said appointing a chief justice as an acting governor was in violation of the Supreme Court’s judgement.

http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2008%5C12%5C19%5Cstory_19-12-2008_pg7_46

Czech: sametová revoluce, Slovak: nežná revolúcia) (November 16 – December 29, 1989) refers to a non-violent revolution in Czechoslovakia that saw the overthrow of the Communist government.[1] It is seen as one of the most important of the Revolutions of 1989.On November 17, 1989 (Friday), riot police suppressed a peaceful student demonstration in Prague. That event sparked a series of popular demonstrations from November 19 to late December. By November 20 the number of peaceful protesters assembled in Prague had swelled from 200,000 the previous day to an estimated half-million. A two-hour general strike, involving all citizens of Czechoslovakia, was held on November 27.With the collapse of other Communist governments, and increasing street protests, the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia announced on November 28 that it would relinquish power and dismantle the single-party state. Barbed wire and other obstructions were removed from the border with West Germany and Austria in early December. On December 10, President Gustáv Husák appointed the first largely non-Communist government in Czechoslovakia since 1948, and resigned. Alexander Dubček was elected speaker of the federal parliament on December 28 and Václav Havel the President of Czechoslovakia on December 29, 1989.In June 1990 Czechoslovakia held its first democratic elections since 1946.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Velvet_Revolution

 

In the Mexican state of Veracruz prized for oil and agriculture and beautiful beaches, at about four o’clock on a 1992 morning, hundreds of campesinos and their families in three pueblos were shaken awake by rumbling. Some were too startled to move. Others ran out of their wood and cardboard shacks and saw caterpillars grinding toward them and waved at the drivers to stop. The drivers and their armed and uniformed escorts motioned and yelled for everyone to clear out. The campesinos were granted a few minutes to dress and grab a few belongings before the caterpillars lumbered on to destroy their homes as well as schools and churches. This ended more than a decade of living on “ejidos,” public land they had farmed and believed should be theirs to use forever. * * *July 31, 2007 – Last week in Mexico City a private driver from my hotel was guiding me down Paseo de la Reforma, the grandest boulevard in the country, indeed one of the most elegant and monument-rich in all the Americas, when the scenery suddenly erupted with large banners that said, “The Senate Doesn’t See or Hear Us” and “The Senate Doesn’t Notice Us”. A man named “Dante Delgado” was blamed. On the other side of the visual protests loomed bleak plastic dwellings anchored by ropes and extending diagonally no higher than three or four feet.“What’s going on?” I asked. “This is the Movement of the 400 Pueblos,” said the driver. “Every day they take off their clothes and protest in public.”“You’re kidding.”“No, I’m not.” “I want to talk to them.” “Fine. Just ahead, at the Monumento a la Madre, they have their main camp. But I’ll have to use the public parking lot.” “No problem. I’ll pay.” We entered the concrete campground, bordered to the west by the gigantic stone Madre, and for several minutes walked around, noting the difficulties of living there, before we approached a few men in a group. “I’m a teacher and writer from California,” I said. “May I please have an interview?” In less than a minute they’d summoned their spokesman, an energetic fellow who shook my hand and introduced himself as Jaime Rodriguez Barrientos. “Who’s Dante Delgado?” I asked. “Dante Delgado was the interim Governor of Veracruz in 1992,” said Rodriguez. “He was corrupt and repressed campesinos. He’s the one who ordered the destruction of our villages – Alamo Temapache, Poza Rica, and Martinez de la Torre. Then he invented charges and jailed 300 people. Twelve were in jail for seven years and many others from eight months to two years. We struggled for the freedom of our comrades until 2000. Since then we’ve been struggling for the return of our land.” “Why did Dante Delgado destroy your homes?”“He represents the interests of the rich and the powerful.”“Is he taking bribes?” I asked. “We’re not saying he takes bribes. But he’s certainly our enemy. So are the men who succeeded him as governor – Patricio Chirinos, Miguel Aleman, and Fidel Herrera, who’s in office now.” “You believe the land you lived on belonged to you.” “Yes, we’d established ourselves there and no wealthy men had a legal right to it. Delgado claims that what he did was legal and the right thing.”“How long have you been here in Mexico City?” I asked. “Since April 11, 2007.” “Why now?” “Dante Delgado was out of power after 1995. In this country there’s no point in chasing someone with no office. When Dante became a senator last year, we decided to go after him.” Gradually some men from the camp had begun to gather around us and about 20 were now watching the interview. “I hear you guys have been publicly protesting in the nude,” I said. “That’s right,” said Rodriguez. “And sometimes our wives, too.” Several of us laughed. “What is the purpose of taking off your clothes in public?” “By protesting naked we’re demonstrating that we lack justice. Every day we do this from 10 a.m. to 2 p.m. We go all over, to the Zocalo, the Palacio de Belles Artes, to the Senate of the Republic, to Dante Delgado’s office, and other places.” “Aren’t you concerned about losing public support by being naked in public?” “Only three or four out of a hundred are offended.” “What about the police? Don’t they do anything about the nudity or camping here?” “No. No problem,” Rodriguez said, and handed me a photo. “I want you to have this.”I thanked him and examined four proud men, two standing at attention and two playing drums. “You guys are in good shape.” “Of course, we’re campesinos,” declared a man from the group. “How long will you stay here?” I asked. “Until we get a response,” Rodriguez said. “Until the senate demonstrates that it understands it needs to investigate Dante Delgado. He’s a coward. He hid from an interviewer from TV Azteca, but he can’t hide from us. We’re going to chase him the rest of his life.” I extended my hand toward plastic huts stretched much too low to stand in. “Are you guys, and in many cases your wives and children, comfortable here?” From the group a young man said, “When it rains hard at night, the water comes in under the plastic. We have to sleep sitting up, and that’s hard.” “Where do you go to the bathroom?” I asked. “We use the gas station’s bathroom across the street,” said Rodriguez. “It costs two pesos (about 20 cents) each time.” “Expensive,” I said. “And food, all the other things. How do you support yourselves?” “We get donations, usually one or two pesos, but sometimes people give us a lot more.” (My driver and another Mexico City resident told me they believe the opposition PRD party is also providing support. Its leader, Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, lost a close and disputed presidential election last year to Felipe Calderon.) As I spoke to the men, several women were dunking clothes in buckets of water and scrubbing garments on stones at the base of the Monumento a la Madre. Two men, glistening brown in the sun, stood near them, washing themselves with rags also dipped in buckets. All water for the 300 protestors comes from a single tap. “I don’t know how long you can last under these conditions,” I said. “Bathing like that is no problem,” said a muscular man from the photo. “Like typical campesinos we bathed in arroyos. We’re living better here than in Veracruz. Here we only have one family in each place. In Veracruz we had four families in one-room casitas of wood and cardboard.” Mexican Teachers Protest A few blocks from the campesinos, at the Monumento de la Revolución, 3,000 teachers were protesting. The following day, with another driver from my hotel, I entered an impressive campground that featured new tarps pulled together high and wide enough to walk under and stretch out. I identified myself and requested an interview. Shortly, Alvarez Juarez was brought forth, and he and three other teachers, one a woman, offered the driver and me comfortable chairs in a patio-like area beneath canvas stretched between two residences. “What is your position?” I asked. “I’m the National Coordinator of Education Workers from Guerrero,” said Juarez, a polite but serious man. “I’ve taught elementary school 30 years in Acapulco.” “What are the issues you’re most concerned about?” “We’re here because of the new law about our pension fund. We used to pay 3.5 percent, now the government says we have to pay 10.6 percent.” “I’m a teacher in California, and we pay 8 percent and have very good benefits,” I said.“You have to put in more than 3.5 percent to get the benefits you need.” “We aren’t going to get anything. They’re going to rob us.” “Who are they?” “President Felipe Calderon and Esther Gordillo, leader of the National Education Workers’ Union, and the politicians and the business interests they represent. They claim they want to increase pension benefits for our children and our retirement benefits and to improve hospitals and health care, but we know they really want more money to pay their debts to the International Monetary Fund and the Word Bank.” At that moment I knew little about Esther Gordillo and the teacher’s union in Mexico, and thought the eternal cry of corruption was exaggerated. A little reading, however, revealed that Gordillo’s predecessor, Carlos Jonguitud, “was accused of masterminding the assassination of at least 150 dissident teachers, primarily in the southern states of Oaxaca and Chiapas.” Gordillo by comparison is a model of moderation, having only “been implicated in the deaths of several teachers that were struggling to democratize the National Education Workers’ Union.” The problem is systemic rather than personal. Gordillo is merely the latest head of a union, like most in Mexico, that has long abused its members. According to Colin Brayton of WorldPress.com, recent surveys show that 98 percent of Mexican teachers “believe the main priority of their leadership is to enrich themselves and hold on to power… and 87 percent believe that their dues are held onto by the leadership and used to buy support… and only 1 percent of (union) members consider that their leadership has a genuine commitment to education.” “The government has been closed and hasn’t given any response to our concerns,” Juarez continued. “The government says it’s a good law and we need to accept it. We’re going to keep trying to change the law. We have marches, protests, lots of activities. On July 26 we’re going to march at the United States Embassy.” “Why the U.S. Embassy?” I asked.“To protest the war in Iraq and the arrogant treatment of people in Latin America.” Unlike the dour Juarez, his colleague next to me was enjoying the interview, and said, “We know Americans think Mexicans are sucking their thumbs. But we know what’s going on. We have eyes. That’s why we don’t like your president, Adolph Bush.” “I don’t care for Bush, either,” I said. “But I guarantee he’s a long way from being Adolph. And, by the way, I wrote a book about Adolph, so I know.” “Just remember, we Mexicans aren’t sucking our thumbs,” said the colleague. Juarez leaned forward and handed me a tabloid titled “Program of Activities” with daily schedules comparable to boot camp. Every day starts at 6 a.m. with bathing then community cleaning, breakfast, two hours of conferences in an auditorium followed, in different places, by lectures, another hour in the auditorium then more meetings, lunch at three p.m., workshops, cultural events in the auditorium, an hour for dinner at 9 p.m., and two hours of free time ending at midnight when most are already in bed, preparing for the next 6 a.m. wakeup. “Where do you guys, and the ladies and kids I see around here, go to the bathroom?” I ask. “We use the public bathroom across the street. It costs three pesos each time and five to bathe.” “How are you supporting yourselves?” The Secretary of Public Education is still paying our teachers’ salaries, about 3,000 pesos every fifteen days, 6,000 a month.” “That’s about 600 dollars a month,” I said. “Is that sufficient?” “It’s not sufficient even when we’re just maintaining our homes. Now we’re maintaining them as well as our community here.” “How long are you prepared to stay?” “We’ve been here since May 7, 2007 and are prepared to stay a long as necessary.”“Are you going to march naked in public?” “We’re not going to undress, unless we get desperate,” said a still unsmiling Juarez.

 

How was the Raj transformed from the jewel in Britain's imperial crown to the independent nations of India and Pakistan?1858: Beginning of the RajIn 1858, British Crown rule was established in India, ending a century of control by the East India Company. The life and death struggle that preceded this formalisation of British control lasted nearly two years, cost £36 million, and is variously referred to as the 'Great Rebellion', the 'Indian Mutiny' or the 'First War of Indian Independence'. Inevitably, the consequences of this bloody rupture marked the nature of political, social and economic rule that the British established in its wake. It is important to note that the Raj (in Hindi meaning 'to rule' or 'kingdom') never encompassed the entire land mass of the sub-continent. Two-fifths of the sub-continent continued to be independently governed by over 560 large and small principalities, some of whose rulers had fought the British during the 'Great Rebellion', but with whom the Raj now entered into treaties of mutual cooperation. 'The 'Great Rebellion' helped create a racial chasm between ordinary Indians and Britons.'Indeed the conservative elites of princely India and big landholders were to prove increasingly useful allies, who would lend critical monetary and military support during the two World Wars. Hyderabad for example was the size of England and Wales combined, and its ruler, the Nizam, was the richest man in the world. They would also serve as political bulwarks in the nationalist storms that gathered momentum from the late 19th century and broke with insistent ferocity over the first half of the 20th century. But the 'Great Rebellion' did more to create a racial chasm between ordinary Indians and Britons. This was a social segregation which would endure until the end of the Raj, graphically captured in EM Forster's 'A Passage to India'.While the British criticised the divisions of the Hindu caste system, they themselves lived a life ruled by precedence and class, deeply divided within itself. Rudyard Kipling reflected this position in his novels. His books also exposed the gulf between the 'white' community and the 'Anglo-Indians', whose mixed race caused them to be considered racially 'impure'.

Please see: (http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/modern/independence1947_01.shtml) for the next seven pages.

 

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