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WASHINGTON — Wednesday was the 50th day of their hunger strike, but Hamid Goudarzi, 26, and his fellow Iranian-immigrant protesters here swore they would never give up.Two Iranian immigrants, Reza Haghelahi, left, and Khalil Parsae, are part of a hunger strike outside the White House. “I’m getting weaker every day,” said Mr. Goudarzi, who gave up his job in San Antonio to join the protest. “But I’m here to the end.”He is among two dozen hunger strikers encamped a stone’s throw from the White House to protest the deaths in Iraq of at least six members of the People’s Mujahedeen of Iran, an exile group based in Iraq and committed to the overthrow of the Islamic revolutionary government in Tehran. Similar sympathy strikes are under way in Ottawa, London, Berlin, Stockholm and The Hague.

On a sunny patch of Pennsylvania Avenue a half-block from the White House, middle-aged men and women recline on beach lounge chairs under four canopies festooned with colorful flags. They haven't eaten solid food in a month. Before them stands a row of large photographs of 11 men, each draped with a wreath of red flowers. A soft-spoken woman carrying a light-blue umbrella hands out leaflets.Sound familiar? Ho-hum? Demonstrations like this are so common in Washington that we rarely honor them with more than a glance. A drive down Embassy Row typically passes protesters angry over some event deemed worthy of perhaps two paragraphs in the Foreign pages last week.

Although Mehdi Karobi has announced that a gathering in support of Etemad Melli will not be held in front of the paper’s building on Monday, August 17, Karimkhan Zand Street, where the building is located, was filled with security forces dressed in uniforms who arrogantly resorted to using verbal abuse and assault to discourage any gathering. According to eyewitnesses, at around 6:00 PM security guards stationed themselves should-to-shoulder around the paper’s building, and a short distance away, on Kheradmand Street, another group of plainclothes agents, apparently belonging to a governmental organization such as the judiciary or Sepah (guardians of Islamic Revolution), were also stationed.  The faces of these units are usually covered with green masks; the guards appeared muscular, and it was evident that these guards had been selectively chosen.

The Dalai Lama accused China on Sunday of waging “cultural genocide” against his followers in Tibet and called for an international inquiry into the suppression of protests there, his strongest defense to date of Tibetan Buddhists who have staged an uprising against Chinese rule. Speaking at the headquarters of the Tibetan government in exile, the Dalai Lama endorsed the right of his people to press grievances peacefully against the Chinese authorities, and said he would not ask Tibetans to surrender to Chinese military police by midnight on Monday, as Beijing has demanded. He said that he had no moral authority to do so and that Tibetans had beseeched him not to capitulate to that demand.

Around 100 monks staged a candle-lit vigil and protest outside the government headquarters in Mangra (Chinese: Guinan) county, Tsolho (Chinese: Hainan) Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, in Qinghai on Wednesday, the first day of Tibetan New Year (Losar), according to reports and images received by the Tibetan language service of Radio Free Asia. The images, which can be viewed on ICT's website at: URL) depict monks from Lutsang monastery holding candles in memory of Tibetans killed in the ongoing crackdown following protests across Tibet since March 10, 2008. The monastery is now surrounded by armed police, with an ultimatum issued today for the organizers of the protest to "surrender" within 48 hours, and for any monks who own a portrait of the Dalai Lama to be expelled from the monastery, according to RFA.

Otpor was formed on October 10, 1998 in response to repressive university and media laws introduced earlier that year. In the beginning, Otpor's activities were limited to University of Belgrade.In the aftermath of the NATO airstrikes against FR Yugoslavia in 1999 regarding the Kosovo War, Otpor began a political campaign against the Yugoslav president Slobodan Milošević. This resulted in nationwide police repression against Otpor activists, during which nearly 2000 were arrested, some beaten. During the presidential campaign of September 2000, Otpor launched its "Gotov je" (He's finished) campaign which would galvanize national discontent with Milošević and eventually result in his defeat. Some students who led Otpor used Serbian translations of Gene Sharp's writings on nonviolent action as a theoretical basis for their campaign.Otpor became one of the defining symbols of anti-Milošević struggle and his subsequent overthrow. By aiming their activities at the pool of youth abstinents and other disillusioned voters, Otpor contributed to one of the biggest turnouts ever for the September 24, 2000 federal presidential elections.Having succeeded in persuading a large number of the traditional electorate to abandon Milošević was another one of the areas where the smear-proof Otpor played a key role. Milošević had in the past succeeded in persuading the public that his opponents were spies and traitors, but on this occasion, it backfired, as the beatings and imprisonments during the summer of 2000 further cemented the decision to vote against the regime in many voters' minds

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DQCrwX7rL_o

Tibet's spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, has urged Beijing to give meaningful autonomy to Tibet and end China's "cultural genocide" in the region.The Nobel Laureate, who won the Peace Prize in 1989 for leading a non-violent struggle for the liberation of his homeland, reiterated his assertion that he was not for a separate Tibet, but, sought meaningful autonomy for Tibet within China. The Dalai Lama led an inter-faith prayer meeting at Rajghat on Saturday in remembrance of Tibetans who lost their lives during their recent protest against China.

Like something out of an old world spy novel, a popular politician is poisoned in an attempt to ruin his chance at victory and install a ruthless opponent. Welcome to the ORANGE REVOLUTION.Steve York's riveting documentary chronicles what led to the Orange Revolution in Ukraine surrounding the 2004 election between Viktor Yushchenko, the people's choice, and Viktor Yanukovych, the government crony. With Yushchenko's mysterious near-fatal poisoning and a fishy assassination attempt on Yanukovych, the people cry foul and take to the streets when Yanukovych is proclaimed the winner of the election. At demonstrations in Kiev, the crowd quickly swells to many thousands as musicians and a disfigured struggling Yuschenko take the stage to protest corruption and fraud.With insightful political interviews and a sweeping lens capturing the power of thousands demanding change, York's ORANGE REVOLUTION will make you believe in the power of the collective voice and our ability to make a difference.

Thousands of South Koreans protested in Seoul on Tuesday against imports of American beef. The demonstrations against Mr. Lee started more than a month ago when students began protesting his government's decision in April to resume imports of American beef despite widespread fears of mad cow disease.

Over the summer, tens of thousands of Kashmiri protesters jammed the streets demanding independence from India. It was the biggest public outcry since the revolt of 1989, when mass demonstrations were a prelude to years of militancy. The difference today is that a new generation of politically-minded youth is leading the way. While frustrations over the heavy-handed presence of Indian forces and economic inequalities still run deep, they are choosing non-violent means to push for change.

 

This video documents a demonstration and metta meditation in support of justice, democracy and loving kindness in front of the Myanmar (Burmese) embassy in Washington, DC October 4, 2007. The woman speaker is Nnin Nnin Pyne (h2pyne(at)yahoo.com). The man leading the metta mediation is Hugh Byrne, a teacher at the Insight Meditation Center in DC.Democratic rule ended in 1962 when General Ne Win led a military coup d'état. He ruled for nearly 26 years and pursued policies under the rubric of the Burmese Way to Socialism. Between 1962 and 1974, Burma was ruled by a revolutionary council headed by the general, and almost all aspects of society (business, media, production) were nationalized or brought under government control (including the Boy Scouts). In an effort to consolidate power, General Ne Win and many top generals resigned from the military and took civilian posts and, from 1974, instituted elections in a one party system.Between 1974 and 1988, Burma was effectively ruled by General Ne Win through the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP)., which from 1964 until 1988 was the sole political party. During this period, Burma became one of the world's most impoverished countries. The Burmese Way to Socialism combined Soviet-style nationalization and central planning with the governmental implementation of what most Westerners would consider superstitious beliefs. Criticism was scathing, such as an article published in a February 1974 issue of Newsweek magazine describing the Burmese Way to Socialism as 'an amalgam of Buddhist and Marxist illogic'.Almost from the beginning there were sporadic protests against the military rule, many of which were organized by students, and these were almost always violently suppressed by the government. On July 7, 1962 the government broke up demonstrations at Rangoon University killing 15 students. In 1974, the military violently suppressed anti-government protests at the funeral of U Thant. Student protests in 1975, 1976 and 1977 were quickly suppressed by overwhelming force.A new constitution of the Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma was adopted in 1974.In 1988, unrest over economic mismanagement and political oppression by the government led to widespread pro-democracy demonstrations throughout the country known as the 8888 Uprising. Security forces killed thousands of demonstrators, and General Saw Maung staged a coup d'état and formed the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). In 1989, SLORC declared martial law after widespread protests. The military government finalized plans for People's Assembly elections on 31 May 1989.SLORC changed the country's official English name from the "Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma" to the "Union of Myanmar" in 1989.In May 1990, the government held free elections for the first time in almost 30 years. The National League for Democracy (NLD), the party of Aung San Suu Kyi, won 392 out of a total 489 seats, but the election results were annulled by SLORC, which refused to step down. Led by Than Shwe since 1992, the military regime has made cease-fire agreements with most ethnic guerrilla groups. In 1992, SLORC unveiled plans to create a new constitution through the National Convention, which began 9 January 1993. In 1997, the State Law and Order Restoration Council was renamed the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC).On 23 June 1997, Burma was admitted into the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The National Convention continues to convene and adjourn. Many major political parties, particularly the NLD, have been absent or excluded, and little progress has been made.[citation needed] On 27 March 2006, the military junta, which had moved the national capital from Yangon to a site near Pyinmana in November 2005, officially named the new capital Naypyidaw, meaning "city of the kings".In November 2006, the International Labour Organization (ILO) announced it will be seeking - at the International Court of Justice.[40] - "to prosecute members of the ruling Myanmar junta for crimes against humanity" over the continuous forced labour of its citizens by the military. According to the ILO, an estimated 800,000 people are subject to forced labour in Myanmar.The 2007 Burmese anti-government protests were a series of anti-government protests that started in Burma on August 15, 2007. The immediate cause of the protests was mainly the unannounced decision of the ruling junta, the State Peace and Development Council, to remove fuel subsidies which caused the price of diesel and petrol to suddenly rise as much as 100%, and the price of compressed natural gas for buses to increase fivefold in less than a week. The protest demonstrations were at first dealt with quickly and harshly by the junta, with dozens of protesters arrested and detained. Starting September 18, the protests had been led by thousands of Buddhist monks, and those protests had been allowed to proceed until a renewed government crackdown on September 26. During the crack-down, there were rumors of disagreement within the Burmese military, but none were confirmed. Some news reports referred to the protests as the Saffron Revolution.Protesters in Yangon with a banner that reads non-violence: national movement in Burmese, in the background is Shwedagon PagodaOn 7 February 2008, SPDC announced that a referendum for the Constitution would be held, and Elections by 2010. The Burmese constitutional referendum, 2008 was held on May 10 and promised a "discipline-flourishing democracy" for the country in the future.World governments remain divided on how to deal with the military junta. Calls for further sanctions by Canada, United Kingdom, United States, and France are opposed by neighboring countries; in particular, China has stated its belief that "sanctions or pressure will not help to solve the issue".

On May 3, 2008, Cyclone Nargis devastated the country when winds of up to 215 km/h (135 mph) touched land in the densely populated, rice-farming delta of the Irrawaddy Division. Reports estimated that more than 130,000 people are dead or missing from Cyclone Nargis that hit the country's Irrawaddy delta. Damage totaled to 10 billion dollars (USD); it was the worst natural disaster in Burmese history. Adds the World Food Programme, "Some villages have been almost totally eradicated and vast rice-growing areas are wiped out." The United Nations projects that as many as 1 million were left homeless; and the World Health Organization "has received reports of malaria outbreaks in the worst-affected area.Yet in the critical days following this disaster, Burma's isolationist regime complicated recovery efforts by delaying the entry of United Nations planes delivering medicine, food, and other supplies into the Southeast Asian nation. The government's failure to permit entry for large-scale international relief efforts was described by the United Nations as "unprecedented.http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Burma

 

Czech: sametová revoluce, Slovak: nežná revolúcia) (November 16 – December 29, 1989) refers to a non-violent revolution in Czechoslovakia that saw the overthrow of the Communist government.[1] It is seen as one of the most important of the Revolutions of 1989.On November 17, 1989 (Friday), riot police suppressed a peaceful student demonstration in Prague. That event sparked a series of popular demonstrations from November 19 to late December. By November 20 the number of peaceful protesters assembled in Prague had swelled from 200,000 the previous day to an estimated half-million. A two-hour general strike, involving all citizens of Czechoslovakia, was held on November 27.With the collapse of other Communist governments, and increasing street protests, the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia announced on November 28 that it would relinquish power and dismantle the single-party state. Barbed wire and other obstructions were removed from the border with West Germany and Austria in early December. On December 10, President Gustáv Husák appointed the first largely non-Communist government in Czechoslovakia since 1948, and resigned. Alexander Dubček was elected speaker of the federal parliament on December 28 and Václav Havel the President of Czechoslovakia on December 29, 1989.In June 1990 Czechoslovakia held its first democratic elections since 1946.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Velvet_Revolution

 

Global Uprising to Include Exiles' March to Tibet New Delhi -- Five leading Tibetan organizations announced today the launch of the "Tibetan People's Uprising Movement", a new coordinated Tibetan resistance effort in the lead up to the 2008 Beijing Olympics. The Games will take place only months before the 50th anniversary of the 1959 Tibetan National Uprising against China's invasion of Tibet. The movement's organizers are calling on Tibetans worldwide to join protests during the Beijing Olympics and support a return march of exile Tibetans to their homeland. "Today, in the spirit of the 1959 Uprising and in memory of the courageous Tibetans who sacrificed their lives for Tibet's independence and continue to resist China's brutal occupation, we are launching a unified movement to bring about an end to Chinese rule in Tibet," said Tsewang Rigzin, President of Tibetan Youth Congress.The organizing committee that China's leadership is using the Beijing Olympics as a platform to gain international acceptance and to legitimize its illegal rule in Tibet. After almost five decades of oppression and cultural assimilation, the situation inside Chinese occupied Tibet is dire. "We are calling on Tibetans worldwide to join us at this critical moment when China is trying to spread its Olympics propaganda," said B. Tsering, President of the Tibetan Women's Association. "Together, we will seize this unprecedented opportunity to voice Tibetan resistance and reinvigorate our freedom struggle." The march to Tibet is an initiative by exile Tibetans to strengthen Tibetan resistance by taking the struggle home. The march will commence on March 10th, the 49th commemoration of the Tibetan National Uprising in Tibet. Tibetans worldwide will engage in non-violent direct actions and mass protests during China's Olympic torch relay and the Games themselves. "Our message to China's leadership is loud and clear that after fifty years, Tibetans in exile are determined to return to our homeland and be reunited with our Tibetan brothers and sisters," said Ngawang Woeber, President of the Gu Chu Sum, the ex-political prisoners' association. Members of the organizing committee: Tibetan Youth Congress, Tibetan Women's Association, Gu Chu Sum Movement of Tibet, National Democratic Party of Tibet, and Students for a Free Tibet, India.

 

Dear friend:*Now Tibet is not so far*When I packed my sleeping bag that early morning before sunrise for this long journey, I placed a white khatak at the altar of His Holiness and said I have decided, whatever happens, I will make my way through. Walking for almost 70 days with 300 people covering more than 900 kilometers hrough Himachal, Punjab, Haryana, Delhi, UP, we reached Almora town yesterday in the Kumaon Mountains in the north Indian state of Uttrakhand. From here Tibet is not very far.The March to Tibet began from Dharamsala on 10th March, the same day similar uprisings happened all around the world, organized by Tibetans and Tibet supporters, even in Tibet -- a global Tibetan uprising. We started with 100 core marchers, on our way many more joined us. As we leave Almora tomorrow into the high mountain valleys towards Tibet, we are 300 marchers and 8 support marchers who are foreigners from different countries, some of whom have been with us all the way from Dharamsala.All along the route, the Indian people have welcomed us with warmth, cheered our spirit and in some places offered us water and shelter. At most places we spent our nights in ashrams, Gurudwaras and schools, sometimes on empty grounds on the roadside, where the local municipality provided water in tankers driven by tractors. Indians have a culture of going for long journeys across their country for pilgrimages and therefore hospitality is a natural custom. The police have been sending an escort all along the route in jeeps or on motorbikes passing the security duty from one district to the next.You must be aware that we were arrested by Indian police in Kangra District on the 13th March and jailed us for 14 days. The second batch of the March was launched 3 days later and that carried on the March spirit. After our release, all 100 of us rejoined the March, but there is already a court case slapped on us. At the end of the last month, Choeying, Lobsang Yeshi and I had to appear in Dehra court and will have to do the same again in June. I learned that some people had the impression from various media reports that the March had been canceled. I myself received phone calls from few people whose doubts I cleared. Seeing an imminent confrontation at the border, His Holiness did advise the organizers against the continuation of the March, but after seeing the courageous non-violent uprisings that happened all over Tibet and the ongoing Chinese crackdown on our people in Tibet, our commitment was revitalized by their sacrifice and inspired us. Now we can't stop it. So we re-launched the March to Tibet from Delhi on the 19th April after a temporary halt.The journey from Delhi passing through UP was difficult; it was extremely hot, dry and dusty. The trucks and buses on the highway threatened to run over us sometimes rushing by our ears, and sometimes stopping by to pick our campaign flyers that we were handing out on the road. We walked, one after the other in a long single file like the multiple legs of a millipede -- one long body. Even when the head has taken the next turn, the tail is still trailing behind from the last corner.The Marchers wake up at 4 am, after washing and packing sleeping bags, tents and mattresses, we have breakfast and start walking at 5 am. Usually walking for 6 to 7 hours a day we cover a distance of 20-25 kilometers, sometimes walking even 27 or 28 kilometers. The logistics and kitchen team move ahead in trucks and set up the camp. At many places water is luxury. We bathe under hand-pump water taps on the roadsides; scores of monks bathe together sometimes in wheat fields. It's a great experience answering nature's calls in open fields under the moonlight with a jug of water by your side. Most of the marchers are Buddhist monks from the 3 monastic universities in south India; some old people who escaped from Tibet along with His Holiness the Dalai Lama in 1959, the eldest one being 78. The youngest are wo 17-year-old boys, born and brought up in India and have never seen Tibet. There are several young mothers who left behind their family in the care of their husbands. Our communication team tries to reach out to the outside world and also arranges opportunities to talkto local media. During the evening gatherings, after the daily prayer, the media coordinator tells the news. Many times the Marchers applaud Tibet support actions taken in different parts of India and abroad. The protest against the torch in London, Paris, San Francisco, Canberra and Tokyo received huge appreciation. The ongoing Tibetan protests in Kathmandu are highly appreciated understanding Nepalese police brutality.We are now starting the last leg of the March. FromAlmora to the border is just barely 200 kilometers, and it will now be cold as we ascend higher into the Himalayas. I know returning to a homeland that is still under foreign occupation won't be easy. Chinese military will of course guard the border with machine guns, even Indian police will find an excuse to stop us. Confrontation is inevitable, but we are not stopping. We may even have to camp at the border for a long time, might have to call for international support and participation. We march into uncertainty.The March to Tibet is a process for us to return to our homeland and reclaim our right to be in our native land in freedom. Whatever happens, we have deep commitment to non-violence; we will not retaliate. We may be beaten, jailed or even shot at, but we are not giving up. And for me there is no other plan in life other than this March. For all of us marchers, this is our life commitment.

http://www.tibetanuprising.org/

 

As the residents of China's Sichuan province continue to come to terms with the effects of a devastating earthquake which has killed more than 62,000 people, they will find compassion expressed in some unlikely quarters. Ngawang Khunkyen, one of the many exiled Tibetan monks in India, shares in their sorrow. "The entire exile community is grieving," Ngawang, 30, told Al Jazeera. "We express our grief by praying. We gather at the temple to recite Tara mantras, praying for a speedy recovery of all those who suffer," he said from his home in Dharmasala, a city in India that is home to some of Tibet's most recognised leaders, including their spiritual leader, Tenzin Gyatso, the 14th Dalai Lama. Tara mantras are a special set of prayers recited when Tibetans pray for the recovery of people who are sick or those who are mourning. As an act of compassion, Tibetans have put aside their differences with Beijing, who they say has stood in the way of their autonomy, in order to pray for victims of the earthquake. While acknowledging that they cannot forget that China has occupied Tibet since 1950, the Tibetan monks say they empathise with the Chinese families who have suffered. 'Cultivate compassion' In the past few months, the exiled community has expressed anger and discontent in the form of protests, hunger strikes, candlelight vigils, and peace marches in response to China's crackdown on dissent in Tibet. The Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) reports that as many as 200 Tibetans were killed during the unrest. After two months, exiles are still emotionally charged, but not without a hint of grief. "After March 10, many people were very angry at the Chinese government," says Ngawang, "but after the earthquake, [Tibetans] feel very sad for the people who died in China." As a refugee monk, Ngawang wakes up at dawn to pray and meditate. "At five in the morning, I pray for the people who suffer in this world. Until recently, I prayed for all sentient beings. But now, I really pray for China." Many would readily dismiss the idea that Tibetans pray for the Chinese; however, in a time when China has suffered from great misfortune, Ngawang sees prayer as its remedy. "When we pray, we cultivate compassion for the people we love and the people we hate." Born in Tibet during Chinese occupation, Ngawang has been a monk since childhood. His calm demeanour is often matched by the carefully chosen words he articulates. In 1993, Ngawang, then 15, participated in a demonstration outside Lhasa. "We desired human rights and democracy. We told the Chinese government to leave and have the Dalai Lama return to Tibet. We were arrested and I was imprisoned for three years." After his release, he sought refuge at a Tibetan refugee settlement in India. He now lives in a refugee centre with fellow Tibetan monks who have endured similar adversities. Transparent message With China's sphere of influence expanding both politically and economically, the Dalai Lama and the CTA believe genuine autonomy is the most pragmatic solution to this decades-old conflict. The Dalai Lama is optimistic in future dialogue with China, but the hope for amicable relations and diplomatic progress is not his immediate priority. Instead, a prayer to victims and their loved ones has become paramount. "I would like to extend my deep sympathy and heartfelt condolences to those families who have been directly affected by the strong earthquake," said the Tibetan leader in a statement. "I offer my prayers for those who have lost their lives and those injured." On May 14, a special prayer session was held for the victims of the earthquake. Tsering Dhondup, the secretary of the Department of Religion and Culture, requested monks, nuns, and laymen to gather at the Dalai Lama's main temple. "The prayers are dedicated for the good rebirth of all those Chinese who have lost their lives in the recent natural calamity." Whether or not their prayers are well-received in China, the impact it has on the individual and collective Tibetan spirit is limitless. "Prayer, in any circumstance, is necessary for spiritual positive fulfilment. It doesn't matter if you're from China or Tibet. It is important to preserve this tradition. And it is important for me because I must cultivate compassion for others," says Ngawang. The power of prayer Thubten Samphel, a spokesperson for the CTA, agrees: "We don't want [earthquakes] to happen to anyone anywhere in the world, be it China or Tibet. We feel deeply for those who are suffering in China." In China, the earthquake has marred the nation's collective spirit. However, it may be comforting to know that the people who have shared in the grief and prayed for a speedy recovery have been the Tibetans. Thubten N., a 35-year-old monk, who shares a life story similar to Ngawang, told Al Jazeera: "When we pray, we pray for all sentient beings to enjoy a lifetime of happiness. It doesn't matter who you are or where you are from. We are all human beings."

 

Tens of thousands of demonstrators crowded downtown streets today calling for the resignation of Serbia's President as the first effects of United Nations sanctions were being felt. The President, Slobodan Milosevic, criticized the sanctions imposed on Saturday, saying Serbia was not responsible for the fighting in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which continued today. "This is the price we have to pay for supporting Serbs outside Serbia," Mr. Milosevic said early this morning after he cast his vote in elections for the Yugoslav Parliament. "As far as the accusations that we have committed aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina are concerned, surely every citizen of Serbia knows that they are ridiculous. We have not committed any aggression against Bosnia." Election Boycotted Mr. Milosevic appeared tired as he voted today. All major opposition parties were boycotting the elections in Serbia and Montenegro, the only remaining Yugoslav republics, and the Serbian Orthodox Church denounced the vote. Polls opened just hours after the United Nations Security Council imposed the economic sanctions. [ Bush Administration officials Sunday expressed deep reluctance to use military force to enforce the sanctions, saying Washington's immediate goal was to force the Serbian-backed military to lift its two-month blockade of Sarajevo. Administration officials said they wanted to assess the effects of the embargo before taking any further steps to punish Yugoslavia. Page A8 ] The first outward signs of the embargo were lines forming at gasoline stations in the Belgrade area and the disruption of air links. Flights Are Canceled This morning, hundreds of stranded travelers milled around Belgrade Airport watching the word "Canceled" click up next to one departing flight after another on the large black timetable. Within hours, only flights for Paris, Copenhagen, Moscow and London were left and it was unclear whether they would actually depart. Yugoslavia also has been disqualified from the European soccer championship in Sweden as a result of the United Nations embargo. The peaceful demonstrators, many dressed in black, took over downtown Belgrade streets for about three hours this afternoon, unfurling a mile-long black banner along the city's main shopping thoroughfare before protesting outside the television station, the hub of the Serbian Government's propaganda network. Demonstrators jeered and shouted "Slobo Must Go!" outside the republic's Presidency Building, referring to President Milosevic. The demonstration was the largest anti-Government gathering in Serbia since violent protests in March 1991 brought Yugoslav Army tanks to Belgrade streets. Bombing of Belgrade "I am against the war and the regime that has sucked our sons into war," said a Yugoslav Airline flight attendant, laid off last week after 30 years on the job because of the cancellation of the airlines' landing rights by the United States and Canada. "I want to show the world that all Serbs are not the same," she said. "We all expect to be bombed, and we remember when the Americans bombed Belgrade in 1944." Slobodanka Karic, a 50-year-old health worker, said, "It's only a matter of time before the armed conflict comes to Belgrade. The international community should stop all the armed attacks by all sides, and then the Communists must be removed." The demonstrators scoffed at today's elections, calling them a "farce." Reports on Turnout Election officials reported only a 38 percent turnout at Serbian polling stations at 2 P.M., and by evening were asserting that 60 percent of the electorate had voted. In Montenegro, turnout reports ranged from 6 to 60 percent. About 7.3 million people are eligible to vote. Final results are not expected until Wednesday. Western diplomats said a weak turnout would not necessarily be interpreted as a vote of no confidence in Mr. Milosevic, who rose to power through the Communist Party's apparatus and has deflected criticism and held power by appealing to Serbian nationalism and controlling the republic's large enterprises and most influential media. Serbia's main opposition parties, the Serbian Renewal Movement, Democratic Party and Serbian Liberal Party called for the boycott because they said the Government pushed through the country's new Constitution without adequate discussion, allowed only a short period for campaigning and refused to end its virtual monopoly on the country's main television channel. 'Duty to Liberate Serbia' The leader of the Serbian Renewal Movement, Vuk Draskovic, said: "The Serbs' enemies are not in London, New York, Paris or Moscow. They are right here in Belgrade. It's our duty to liberate Serbia." "The Serbian people are not guilty," Mr. Draskovic said. "Sanctions are needed against the regime, not the people." The Serbian Orthodox Church denounced the Serbian and Yugoslav Governments last week, disassociated itself from the new Constitution and the elections and called for the formation of a government of national salvation. Only the renamed Communist Party of Serbia and Montenegro, two ultra-nationalist parties, and several dozen tiny political groups ran candidates. Successor to Old Yugoslavia The elections were scheduled after the new Yugoslavia was formed on April 27 in an attempt to claim the status of the successor to the Yugoslav Federation as well as its assets. Government leaders say the elections are important because they will allow the Yugoslav Government to begin functioning normally again after huge gaps were torn in the Legislature and administration by the secession of Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia. Officials of the United Nations peacekeeping forces in Sarajevo today won agreements from Serbian leaders in Bosnia and Herzegovina's government for a new cease-fire scheduled to begin on Monday at 6 P.M. local time, an official in Sarajevo said. The cease-fire agreement provides for the evacuation of a besieged Yugoslav Army barracks in the city center. Bosnian Serb forces this morning continued their bombardments of Sarajevo, while Yugoslav Army and Bosnian Serb forces also shelled the historic port city of Dubrovnik, lobbing about 17 shells into the walled Old Town. More than 2,300 people have been killed and 7,700 wounded since the Serbs began their military campaign to seize most of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The fighting has driven well over 700,000 people from their homes.

(http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9E0CEFD61739F932A35755C0A964958260&sec=&spon=&pagewanted=1)

Tibet’s longest serving political prisoner and a symbol of resistance to Chinese rule addressed the 8th session of the Human Rights Council Wednesday (June 4). Despite spending 32 years in various prison camps, 82-year old Takna Jigme Sangpo is far from being chastized by this experiences.Interview by Pamela Taylor/Human Rights Tribune – Takna Jigme Sangpo was first arrested in 1964 when, as a primary school teacher, he was accused by Chinese authorities of ‘corrupting the minds of children with reactionary ideas’. Accused of supporting Tibetan independence he was repeatedly arrested, beaten and and tortured. He was released on medical parole in 2002 and received asylum in Switzerland.Tell us about the first time you were arrested in 1964?I was a teacher and they discovered I was teaching the history, language and culture of Tibet which was of course forbidden. I was sent to a work camp in Lhasa. While I was in this camp I was asked to write a letter to the Communist Party condemning a long letter written by the Panchen Lama (number two after the Dalai Lama) with a detailed list of crimes against the Tibetan people and asking for Tibetan independence. I told them they hadn’t given me sufficient reason to condemn the Panchen Lama and so they called me a ‘running dog of the Panachen Lama” and condemned me to hard labor for three years.Were you released after that?Yes, but this was the time of the non-violent underground movement called Tiger-Dragon and a group of young people were arrested with a photo of me on them so they came and arrested me as a member of this ‘criminal’ movement, which I was not. I was sentenced to 10 years in prison. When I told the authorities that I didn’t know anything about the Tiger-Dragon movement, they didn’t believe me and put me in a type of iron brace that went behind my head and forced my arms back and I couldn’t move. I still have the scars (raises shirtsleeves). I shall never forget that first night. I screamed and screamed. But I wore that brace for 9 months – it was nearly impossible to eat. In any case all I had to eat was one bowl of ‘tsamba’ (roasted barley wheat flour) and some tea once a day.How long did this treatment go on?For 7 years. I worked in a stone quarry, making bricks. For the last three years of my ten year sentence I couldn’t work because I had gone blind. I was later diagnosed with glaucoma. But for them even a blind man is supposed to work! In 1981 I was again released and my sisters and family took me home and I was operated on for glaucoma. But afterwards I suffered a kind of banishment, not quite arrest but I had no communication with outsiders, even my family. But in 1983, they put me in a real prison again for writing a poster that was put up on walls and the gates of the city which said ‘Chinese invaders must go back to China’ and ‘Tibet belongs to Tibetans’. Since I was already in police custody, it was easy for them to put me in prison again.But you must have known those posters would get you into trouble?The Chinese have a tactic to make people think everything is normal so they will relax but all the time they are watching and waiting for the opportunity to make arrests. This time I was taken to a detention center that wasn’t a proper prison, just a large space with many men in one room, sharing a tin can for a common toilet, and with barely enough room to sleep. They constantly interrogated me, asking who had put me up to writing the posters and who was behind my activities. I said I am alone; I have no one and nothing behind me. They insisted that I couldn’t have the idea of Tibetan independence all on my own, that there must be a huge movement behind me, driving me to do these things. But I said no, that every Tibetan on this earth has that dream. So they stripped me and beat me and I still have those scars too. Then one day a Swiss delegation (ICRC) came to the detention center so I kept a vigil until I saw the delegation coming and then I began to shout: ‘Free Tibet!’, ‘Chinese go back to China!’ Afterwards I was put in solitary confinement in a completely black hole for one whole year. Because of what I did, they added another 8 years to my sentence.How did you manage not to go mad after so many years in prison?I said my prayers and the Buddhist mantra Om Mani Peme Hm (Homage to Bhudda). I wasn’t a criminal and wasn’t a threat to anyone and I knew that the truth was on my side. And the biggest truth of all was that Tibet would one day be independent because the Chinese themselves have enough problems to constantly worry about us. That kept me sane.Why have you come to Geneva? What do you expect from the Council?I want people to know that on paper the Chinese government may treat Tibetan people alright but I am the reality. If I am given the chance, I want to say that there’s no way the Tibetan people can survive without a distinct culture and that there is not a single Tibetan who doesn’t want independence. http://www.humanrights-geneva.info/Symbol-of-Tibetan-resistance,3173

If any New Yorker were to become the theoretician for a new secessionist movement, it figured to be Kirkpatrick Sale.Mr. Sale, 70, was a campus rabble-rouser at Cornell in the 1950s long before Berkeley made being one fashionable, a model for a character in Richard Fariña’s classic ’60s novel, “Been Down So Long It Looks Like Up to Me,” a writer who worked briefly with his college pal Thomas Pynchon on a musical called “Minstral Island.” For half a century, he’s written more or less from the left on issues of decentralization, the environment and technology — in praise of Luddites, envisioning with dread the rise of the Sun Belt, lambasting Christopher Columbus as a despoiler of the American Eden and predicting environmental doom in a way that is making him at the moment look more prescient than cranky.And though he once described the personal computer as the devil’s work (its efficiencies producing more “social disintegration, economic polarization, and environmental devastation”), there he was Tuesday at his modern Adirondack-style house in the woods looking in delight at the inbox on his laptop.“Look at this,” he said. “There are 177 more messages from people who want to get on our mailing list. There’s nothing that has brought right and left together like this.”“This” was the Second North American Secessionist Convention, held Oct. 3 and 4 in Chattanooga, and attended by 15 delegates representing 25 states, plus 40 sympathetic observers. It followed, amazingly enough, the First North American Secessionist Convention, held the year before in Burlington, Vt.In this country, secession has not had the greatest odor since the 1860s, when it produced a movement now seen as racist, violent and a loser. But the spirit of Mr. Sale and his pro-secession Middlebury Institute actually has more to do with Vermont.There, a group called the Second Vermont Republic has become a small-bore local phenomenon, with its call for a “genteel revolution,” opposed to “the tyranny of Corporate America and the U.S. government,” and committed to “the peaceful return of Vermont to its status as an independent republic and more broadly the dissolution of the Union.” Hence those “U.S. Out of Vt!” T-shirts. Similarly, the language of the convention’s Chattanooga Declaration decries excess corporate and governmental power, says that the deepest issues of the time go beyond left and right and declares that liberty can survive only if political power is returned to local communities and states. “The American Empire is no longer a nation or a republic,” it says, “but has become a tyrant aggressive abroad and despotic at home.”Even those ill-disposed toward the idea of an independent Vermont, Hawaii or Alaska or to the new Confederacy envisioned by the League of the South might see some logic here. Back in 1981, the journalist Joel Garreau published “The Nine Nations of North America,” mapping out how economics, geography and culture really made it more logical for the United States, Canada and Mexico to be nine nations than three. Mr. Sale argues that the big theme of contemporary history, from the collapse of the Soviet Union to the evolution of the United Nations from 51 nations in 1945 to 192 now, is the breakup of great empires. And some on both left and right agree that the only cure for a federal government that’s too big and too powerful is to make it less big and less powerful.His relentlessly bleak vision is that catastrophic events, long term (collapsing dollar, out-of-control oil prices, climate change) and short term (Iraq, Katrina, government-sanctioned torture), will produce the downsizing of America, secession movement or no.“The virtue of small government is that the mistakes are small as well,” he said.Still, he concedes, there are a few roadblocks. Another 177 e-mail messages might feel like a revolution, but in that big, bad, computer-fueled world it’s just another tiny blip in the din. Local control might look fine in green, crunchy Vermont but perhaps looks less fine if it meant Southern states maintaining segregated schools and water fountains through the ’60s. Who is going to pay your Social Security, build interstate highways or finance NASA? And just how to make secession happen — legally and geographically — is, he concedes, still a work in progress. One option might be state by state, but then there are those Neo-Confederates in the South, or advocates of independent New England, Cascadia (Washington, Oregon, British Columbia) or New Acadia (Vermont, New Hampshire, Maine and the four Atlantic provinces of Canada).Mr. Sale was asked what nation he’s prepared to live in.“I’d like the Hudson Valley,” he said. “I’d even include New York City, the whole Hudson watershed. It would be rich in resources and culturally unified. That’s the whole point of secession. If you want to leave a nation you think is corrupt, inefficient, militaristic, oppressive, repressive, but you don’t want to move to Canada or France, what do you do? Well, the way is through secession, where you could stay home and be where you want to be.”Of course, there might be problems here, too. What about the poor orphaned folks in distant Buffalo or Rochester or the vast empty acres upstate? What if the city didn’t want to join and wanted to be its own smug Cosmopolitania instead? Where would the Bronx, the one borough on the mainland, end up?Oh, well, life’s difficult.“You would call it Hudsonia,” he said, warming to the thought. “That’s the thing about secession. It fires up the imagination like nothing else.”

 

Gendun Cheokyi Nyima, now 18 years old, was named Panchen Lama aged five but has not been seen in public since. The Chinese authorities rejected his appointment and named their own Panchen Lama, Gyaltsen Norbu, in 1995. Beijing says Gendun is living a free life but campaigners say he has been under house arrest during childhood. Kate Saunders, who represents a Washington-based group, the International Campaign for Tibet (ICT), said little was known about his whereabouts. "It's most likely that he's being held somewhere in the vicinity of Beijing itself because that's where the authorities could probably control him the best. "But there's no doubt that it will be in a very secure environment," she said. 'Religious persecution' The ICT has produced a report on religious freedom to coincide with the birthday of Gendun Cheokyi Nyima. Gyaltsen Norbu was appointed by Beijing as Panchen Lama in 1995The report says Tibetan religious culture remains under grave threat more than half a century after Chinese troops occupied the region. It accuses the Chinese authorities of launching a new campaign to curb the influence in Tibet of the Dalai Lama, who lives in exile in northern India. Ms Saunders says the Panchen Lama who disappeared is a victim of China's attempts to control Tibetan religious thinking. "His plight and also the installation of an alternative candidate by Beijing has come to symbolise for many Tibetans the crisis facing the survival of their religious culture in Tibet." The Chinese foreign ministry has angrily rejected the accusations of religious persecution in Tibet. A spokesman said Tibetans were guaranteed normal religious freedoms, but he refused to reveal where Gendun Cheokyi Nyima was living. Campaigners hope the boy's 18th birthday may change the approach of the Chinese authorities to his situation.

How was the Raj transformed from the jewel in Britain's imperial crown to the independent nations of India and Pakistan?1858: Beginning of the RajIn 1858, British Crown rule was established in India, ending a century of control by the East India Company. The life and death struggle that preceded this formalisation of British control lasted nearly two years, cost £36 million, and is variously referred to as the 'Great Rebellion', the 'Indian Mutiny' or the 'First War of Indian Independence'. Inevitably, the consequences of this bloody rupture marked the nature of political, social and economic rule that the British established in its wake. It is important to note that the Raj (in Hindi meaning 'to rule' or 'kingdom') never encompassed the entire land mass of the sub-continent. Two-fifths of the sub-continent continued to be independently governed by over 560 large and small principalities, some of whose rulers had fought the British during the 'Great Rebellion', but with whom the Raj now entered into treaties of mutual cooperation. 'The 'Great Rebellion' helped create a racial chasm between ordinary Indians and Britons.'Indeed the conservative elites of princely India and big landholders were to prove increasingly useful allies, who would lend critical monetary and military support during the two World Wars. Hyderabad for example was the size of England and Wales combined, and its ruler, the Nizam, was the richest man in the world. They would also serve as political bulwarks in the nationalist storms that gathered momentum from the late 19th century and broke with insistent ferocity over the first half of the 20th century. But the 'Great Rebellion' did more to create a racial chasm between ordinary Indians and Britons. This was a social segregation which would endure until the end of the Raj, graphically captured in EM Forster's 'A Passage to India'.While the British criticised the divisions of the Hindu caste system, they themselves lived a life ruled by precedence and class, deeply divided within itself. Rudyard Kipling reflected this position in his novels. His books also exposed the gulf between the 'white' community and the 'Anglo-Indians', whose mixed race caused them to be considered racially 'impure'.

Please see: (http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/modern/independence1947_01.shtml) for the next seven pages.